Westminster Paedophiles

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Westminster paedophile ring: Was second man killed over child abuse cover-up?

Published December 23, 2014 by misty534

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A council official and a caretaker may have been killed to stop them exposing a Westminster paedophile ring, Labour’s John Mann said

Two men may have been murdered as part of an establishment cover-up into child sex abuse allegations, an MP sensationally claimed today.

A council official and a caretaker may have been killed to stop them exposing a Westminster paedophile ring, Labour’s John Mann said.

The shocking allegation comes as abuse survivors expect Home Secretary Theresa May to axe a panel of experts investigating claims of historical sex attacks by powerful figures.

They fear the Government does not “want to get at the truth” of the accusations, according to Mr Mann’s party colleague, Simon Danczuk.

The murder claims centre on Daily Mirror revelations seven months ago about Lambeth Council official Bulic Forsythe, who died in February 1993 in suspicious circumstances.

Bulic Forsythe
Silenced? Mr Forsythe’s case remains unsolved 21 years on

He had vowed to expose a paedophile ring allegedly linked to a future minister in Tony Blair’s government.

Bulic told a witness he suspected vulnerable youngsters were being assaulted by an organised gang at one children’s home said to have been visited by the Labour politician.

But days later Bulic, 42, was beaten to death in his flat which was later set on fire. The case has remained unsolved for 21 years.

Mr Mann today said social services manager Bulic – and an unnamed council caretaker – could have been killed to silence them.

The caretaker died in a “suspicious” fire, Mr Mann said, adding that the worker “was providing information and tapes relating to sex abuse and sex parties” in the run-up to his death.

He claimed the deaths were “undoubtedly linked” to child abuse at Westminster and “potentially linked to the wider scandal” involving other high-profile figures.

“Both were people who were in essence blowing the whistle on child abuse – for whatever motive – and two very suspicious deaths,” he said.

Bulic Forsythe
Family: Mr Bulic’s wife Dawn and daughter Kiddist when younger

Mr Mann told Sky News Bulic “had significant information in relation to child abuse”, adding: “The evidence about what he is said to have uncovered is very precise and relates to what’s come much more to light in the last 12 months,”

He went on: “It’s clear his death was highly suspicious and that he had crucial information about child abuse.”

Mr Mann has handed Scotland Yard a dossier including allegations about the involvement of 22 politicians – some of them apparently still serving – in paedophile rings.

The names are said to include 14 ex-ministers.

He urged the Government to release Special Branch police officers from the Official Secrets Act, allowing them to come forward with evidence.

Meanwhile, Rochdale MP Mr Danczuk warned sex abuse survivors could turn to “direct action” as a stalled-inquiry fades into “complete disarray”.

Frustrated campaigners have been told Mrs May will scrap a panel of experts appointed to take evidence, and start all over again.

The inquiry was announced in July but has been hit by a series of setbacks as two chairmen were forced to quit over establishment links.

Mr Danczuk blasted “people at the centre of government” saying: “You can’t help thinking they aren’t intent on getting this right.”

He said child abuse survivors could not be blamed for suspecting “quite deliberate mistakes by people at the centre of government” over the fiasco.

Mr Danczuk said people should prepare for “more and bigger, peaceful protests, more challenging of ministers, more challenging of the police to take action”.

“There is very little faith in Government in terms of delivering this,” he told the BBC.

“You can’t help thinking that they are not intent on getting this right.”

National Association for People Abused in Childhood boss Peter Saunders said he was “yet to encounter any survivors who have confidence in the process”.

A Home Office spokesman said: “The Home Secretary is determined that appalling cases of child sexual abuse should be exposed so that perpetrators face justice and the vulnerable are protected.”

Ben Glaze

Another Dark Chapter for London’s Most Scandalous Address

Published December 22, 2014 by misty534


Newly resurfaced abuse and murder allegations put Dolphin Square, a hulking and slightly nefarious presence for nearly 70 years, at the center of a possible child sex ring.

There’s a bleak certainty in British public life that whenever the words “sex scandal,” “M.P.s,” “establishment,” and “cover-up” appear in pretty much any order, the name of a vast central London apartment block, Dolphin Square, follows soon afterwards. And so it is with what London’s Metropolitan police are calling “credible” allegations that Conservative Members of Parliament belonged to a pedophile ring that operated there between 1975 and 1984 and was responsible for the murder of at least one young boy.

The allegations have been circulating for three decades, but they surfaced with renewed vigor in recent months, following the discovery that the late BBC television presenter Jimmy Savile and several other British “TV personalities,” all now in jail, were serial sexual abusers. The Metropolitan police are taking seriously the evidence from an anonymous witness, known as “Nick,” who says he was abused from age seven to 16. He implicates a Conservative M.P. and a cabinet minister in the murder, and now the police have appealed for help from anyone who lived or worked in Dolphin Square during the 70s and 80s.

The story is nightmarish, with hints of terrible depravity. The police may get somewhere after all these years, but, like the square itself, the affair seems impenetrable. There are the usual rumors of an establishment cover-up—this is Britain, after all—of destroyed dossiers, missing government files, and aborted investigations. The identities of the supposed perpetrators, still less the victims, are not known, though names of public figures are murmured and there now seems to be a genuine attempt to connect the murdered boys with the names of the missing. Only one of the alleged abusers has been named: the late Sir Peter Hayman, a diplomat and former director of MI6 who was named by M.P. Geoffrey Dickens, during his lifetime, as a subscriber to the Pedophile Information Exchange, and investigated for possessing images of child abuse.

It’s easy to imagine the terror of a child smuggled into the square at the dead of night, knowing he was going to be abused by powerful men—an experience “Nick” says he endured on eight or nine occasions. Huge and inscrutable, Dolphin Square is unlike any other building in London. It is a prize example of what Fred F. French, the American developer who conceived the block, called “dense urban suburbia,” a phrase he used to describe the Tudor City and Knickerbocker Village complexes he built in New York. It is a world of its own, with an atmosphere that lies somewhere between menacing and melancholy—a place as distinct, in its own way, as the Overlook Hotel in The Shining or the Bramford Building in Rosemary’s Baby. Dolphin Square is such an attractive name, yet the vibes are anything but.

At the 1997 inquest into the death—from acute alcoholic poisoning—of the Conservative M.P. Iain Mills, it was said that no one noticed his absence for two days. People spoke of the solitary and reclusive lives of residents, of the silent corridors that have no daylight: of the hush. The tabloid headlines deploy the words “V.I.P.” and “luxury” in the descriptions of the square, but the truth is that life can be rather grim in  some of the cabin-size apartments that I saw advertised in the lobby for between $480 and $1,170 a week.

A product of 1930s authoritarian gigantism—which may explain why the leader of the Britain’s Black shirts, Sir Oswald Mosley, made his home there before being interned during the war—Dolphin Square is built on the scale of an ocean liner. An illustration from the 1936 brochure shows residents dressed in evening wear looking down on the Thames from a balcony, as if their ship had just docked in a foreign port.

The British company Costain, which completed French’s plan, successfully marketed the square to the working members of the Establishment as a convenient and fashionable pied a terre, and today many of the 1,229 rented apartments are still leased to a transient population of politicians and civil servants. But writers (Angus Wilson), actors (Peter Finch, Jill Bennett), royalty (Princess Anne), prostitutes, and spies have also taken advantage of the square’s gift of anonymity. It is close to Parliament and Whitehall, as well as to MI5 and MI6, which are just a few minutes’ walk away, although that would not necessarily have been an advantage to the late Labour M.P. Raymond Fletcher, who was busy passing secrets to the Russians while a resident.

In his 1963 Cold War classic, The Spy Who Came in From the Cold, John le Carré described his hero Alec Leamas’s meeting with a Communist agent called Ashe. “Ashe had a flat in Dolphin Square. It was just what Leamas had expected—small and anonymous with a few hastily assembled curios from Germany.” This was not Ashe’s home, of course—merely a discreet venue for a rendezvous.

Anonymity and transience are sometimes precursors of transgression. The building is home to many single men, and men whose wives are safely tucked up in bed in their constituency homes. The place lends itself to infidelity and experiment. In 1971, it emerged that, in addition to the swimming pool, restaurant, bars, and shopping arcade, Dolphin Square possessed its own de facto sadomasochistic, run by a woman named Sybil Benson, who on a good week claimed to make the then incredible sum of £1,260, even though she limited herself to six clients a day. In the late 80s, another Conservative M.P., Sir Anthony Meyer, was revealed to enjoy some light punishment, received and administered by a model and singer named Simone Washington, a story that suggested the dream headline—at any rate for the Sunday Mirror—“I bathed my spanking M.P. in champagne.”

In the early 60s, the place became notorious during the two overlapping scandals involving the War Minister John Profumo and a gay civil servant at the Admiralty named John Vassal, who after living at the square for four years was arrested in 1962 for passing secrets to the Russians. Profumo did little more than deny his affair with a young woman named Christine Keeler, who may or may not have been simultaneously knocking off the Soviet naval attaché Yevgney Ivanov. She lived in the Dolphin Square apartment rented by an equally spirited young woman named Mandy Rice Davies, who was connected to a shady London landlord named Peter Rachman.

I got to know Mandy in the 70s, and it is sad to learn that a few hours after I was walking around Dolphin Square, thinking about her and how she loathed the place and was convinced that it had some kind of bad karma, she died of cancer last week, aged 70. She was really intelligent and the best possible company, being both funny and curious—qualities that allowed her to survive Profumo and her short stay in Dolphin Square.

The entanglements of the two scandals have provided decades of pleasure to the prurient British, but actually the affair she got caught up in amounted to just a little illicit sex, a little lying, and a country house or two. It all seems rather harmless compared to the allegations of murder. What was amusingly scandalous, or simply sad, about Dolphin Square has been replaced by something much darker and more terrifying. No one believed the enormous catalogue of Jimmy Savile’s abuse until after his death, when a pileup of evidence banished all hopes of denial, so it now seems at least possible that Nick’s appalling story may also be proved true.

Henry Porter

Victim Shows Sky Where ‘MPs’ Abused Him

Published December 18, 2014 by misty534

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The man says he was raped as a young boy and that “MPs” and

“Hooray Henrys” plied him with alcohol and molested him.

A survivor of VIP sex abuse parties in the 1980s has revealed to Sky News the area of London where he says “part of him died”.

‘Michael’ was abused growing up in care in North Wales but he and other children were also taken on a minibus for weekend trips to Pimlico in central London in the early 1980s.

Over two years ago Michael spoke exclusively to Sky News about the abuse and described how it felt like a “privilege” to be taken to London.

His life growing up in a brutal care home system meant that the trips to the capital were seen as exciting and that children used to fight for a seat on the minibus.

He was just 11 or 12 when he was taken there to be raped.

Pimlico tube station

‘Michael’ says it felt like a privilege to go on trips to London

Back on the streets of Pimlico three decades later, Michael said: “I was brought down these streets. Could be any of these streets. But this is where the flat was, this is where we were brought as kids.

“To us they were kind of good days out because we’d be taken into London afterwards and kind of spoilt.

Play video “Nov 2012: ‘Michael’ Talks To Sky”

Video: Nov 2012: ‘Michael’ Talks To Sky

“And we were kids from North Wales, we’d never seen London, or Regent’s Park zoo, or Hyde Park or Big Ben and all that stuff.

“And we had to put up with some nonsense that people did at night-time in a flat.”

Michael has described how the children were plied with alcohol, taken into bedrooms and forced into sexual acts with various older men who he described as “Hooray Henrys”.

He said: “It’ll be covered up because MPs were involved, you know.

“Ministers were involved, Cabinet ministers. I know they were. I haven’t exactly followed their careers. They’ve always been in the public eye.”

Three years after he first spoke to Sky News, Michael has seen other survivors come forward with similar allegations.

Play video “5 Dec: New Hope For Abuse Probe”

Video: 5 Dec: New Hope For Abuse Probe

He’s seen the first conviction in the police-led re-examination of the north Wales care home scandal, and he’s seen politicians consistently vowing to uncover the truth.

He is, though, disillusioned: “I just feel that as many people are coming forward, as many drop out, and I’ve got no faith in the Home Office or the Government to protect us, you know, the victims.

“This’ll just be another story and that’s sad you know.

“It should come out, because the people that did this to me, they’re still walking around. Maybe round here. Maybe they live here.”

Michael has been interviewed by police officers investigating claims of sexual abuse in London.

He travelled with officers to Pimlico to identify the property where he says the parties took place but has had to pull out of the police process due to his health problems.

Play video “Abuse Survivor Slams Govt Inquiry”

Video: Abuse Survivor Slams Govt Inquiry

He knows other survivors who have since died or in some cases have taken their own lives.

Travelling back to Pimlico was a difficult process but Michael wanted to speak out on camera to remind people that the truth still has not been uncovered and that the abusers still have not been arrested.

Michael, who is receiving some professional support, added: “Part of me died here. Definitely. We shouldn’t have been brought here, and made to do the things we did.

“In a perfect world they’d be caught with fingerprints or CCTV, but it’s going to be my word against theirs, and they’re going to win hands down.

“But they won’t even be arrested – they won’t even be arrested.”

Detectives probing alleged historic Westminster paedophile ring are appealing for witnesses

Published December 18, 2014 by misty534

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Detectives probing alleged historic Westminster paedophile ring are appealing for witnesses

Scotland Yard is investigating the alleged murders of three young boys by a VIP paedophile ring after a “credible” witness came forward to detail his abuse at the hands of Conservative politician, police said today.

The man – known only as Nick –has claimed that a Conservative MP murdered a boy during a sex attack, and a second boy was killed by a ring of abusers active in the late 1970s and 80s.

He claims that a third boy was deliberately run down in a car, which he said was a direct warning to him to keep quiet, according to an account given to investigative journalism website Exaro.

Police yesterday appealed for more witnesses to come forward. Detective Superintendent Kenny McDonald, the lead officer for the operation, said that Nick had been spoken to by murder detectives and specialist child abuse investigators. “They and I believe what Nick is saying to be credible and true hence why we are investigating the allegations he has made to us.

“I appeal to men who were subjected to abuse 30 years ago to come forward. We are also investigating the murder of three young boys – we are determined to find answers.”

Nick – whose real name has not been disclosed – has claimed that he was abused from the age of seven to 16 by groups of men, including at parties and at places across London and the Home Counties including military bases.

One claimed venue was at least one flat at Dolphin Square in Pimlico, central London, a residential development near Parliament that has long been popular with MPs. Police yesterday said that Nick described how a car came to collect him and he would be driven to Dolphin Square and was subjected to abuse by individuals and groups.

Dolphin Square estate in London

Dolphin Square estate in Pimlico, LondonThe detective urged people living there in the 1970s to come forward as they “will have seen or heard something that they only understand the significance of now”.

No bodies have been discovered and officers are trawling files of missing children from the period to try to establish if any of them had been murdered by a gang.

Officers confirmed that they had spoken to the family of Martin Allen, a boy who disappeared in 1979, but they said it was too early to say if his case was linked to Nick’s allegations. The force also said it was in contact with Sussex police which is carrying out a review of the case of an eight-year-old boy murdered 33 years ago.

Vishambar Mehrotra, a 69-year-old retired magistrate, recorded a male prostitute saying in a telephone call that his son Vishal may have been abducted and taken to the Elm Guest House in Barnes, south-west London, in 1981, the Daily Telegraph reported.

Mr Mehrotra took the recording to the Metropolitan Police at the time but told the newspaper that they refused to investigate an allegation implicating “judges and politicians”.

Mr Mehrotra told the newspaper: “I was contacted by a young man who seemed to be in his 20s. He told me he believed Vishal may have been taken by paedophiles in the Elm Guest House near Barnes Common.

“He said there were very highly placed people there. He talked about judges and politicians who were abusing little boys.”

Scotland Yard said that it was not clear whether the murder was linked to its current inquiries.

Now police investigate two undercover officers over claims they abused former child actor at guest house ‘used by VIP paedophile ring’

Published December 14, 2014 by misty534
  • Lee Towsey claims the officers abused him at the South-West guesthouse
  • Police are also accused of covering up abuse claims against an MP there 
  • The Met’s Directorate of Professional Standards is leading the inquiry


Two former police officers are being investigated over claims they sexually abused a former child actor at a guesthouse allegedly frequented by VIPs and politicians, 

Lee Towsey claims two undercover officers, who were themselves investigating abuse claims, sexually assaulted him at the Elm Guest House in South-West London.

The guesthouse is at the centre of a police investigation looking into allegations that young boys were abused by Westminster politicians, judges, pop stars and a member of the Royal household.

The new revelation comes amid a flood of serious allegations, including that police covered up the name of an MP who abused a child at the former guesthouse.

Earlier this month, Home Secretary Theresa May described claims that MPs murdered and abused children at an exclusive block of flats as ‘the tip of the iceberg’.

In an interview with The Mail on Sunday in April, Mr Towsey said he had sex with two officers who were gaining intelligence on the guesthouse prior to the June 1982 raid.

Mr Towsey worked as a masseur at the guesthouse but was 16 at the time of the offences, which was under the age of homosexual consent then. He said: ‘The first came in April and I had sex with him.

‘He turned out to be one of the officers who later raided the house.

‘He came back about three weeks later and hired a room. He stayed two nights and on the second night his partner stayed too.

‘I ended up having sex with them. Afterwards they asked me “how much” and I told them that they were not clients and I felt insulted they wanted to pay me.’

Mr Towsey, who appeared in Grange Hill and Doctor Who, was taken to Richmond police station after the raid, where, he claims, he saw the second officer. Metropolitan Police detectives launched the investigation after Mr Towsey reported the allegations to police in early 2013. It referred the matter the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC), but the watchdog decided not to investigate and sent the case back to the Met.

The Met’s Directorate of Professional Standards is now leading the investigation, Operation Yvonne, into the former officers, who were police constables at the time of the alleged offence.

Scotland Yard has refused to release their names.

After the raid the guesthouse owners, Harry and Carole Kasir, were convicted of keeping a disorderly house and having obscene videos. They were given a two-year suspended sentence and fined £1,000.

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Mr Towsey’s lawyer said police had now asked his client to provide a further statement about the claims. Nigel Fisher, of Fletcher Day solicitors, said: ‘We are pleased police have now officially launched an investigation into the events.

‘It is an important step in taking Lee’s case further. Police have asked Lee to give a further statement which he is doing in the next couple of weeks.’

Operation Yvonne is the latest off-shoot from Operation Fernbridge, which is looking into claims children were abused at the former guest house, which is now a row of flats.Police have already confirmed the disgraced former Liberal MP Sir Cyril Smith, who Mr Towsey said was one of his clients, was a visitor.

Police are probing allegations VIPs preyed on boys who were brought to the guesthouse in Rocks Lane, Barnes, from a nearby children’s home.

It has also been suggested that police or security services covered up the name of a politician who allegedly abused a child taken into custody the night of the raid.

A social worker who was at the police station claimed details of the boy’s account were left out of his police statement

The social worker said that the boy had spoken of a man called ‘Uncle XXXXX’ and that the man worked ‘at the big houses’ – the Houses of Parliament.

However references to both ‘Uncle XXXXX’ and the Houses of Parliament were left out of what should have been a verbatim account of his statement.

Simon Danczuk MP, who spoke to Mr Towsey after it emerged that Cyril Smith was a regular visitor to the guesthouse, said: ‘These latest allegations are very worrying and suggest that the awful experiences young lads had to endure there were compounded by a botched police investigation.

‘If we’re going to uncover the truth of what happened at Elm Guest House it’s vital that the role of the police in investigating these criminal activities is examined thoroughly.’

As well as Operation Fernbridge, the Met has a number of active investigations into VIP-related child abuse ongoing.

Operation Fairbank is looking into claims a paedophile ring had links to Westminster, while Operation Midland is looking into explosive claims boys were abused and even killed by Conservative politicians at Dolphin Square, a block of flats in Pimlico, London.

The Home Office, which came under fire for losing a dossier of alleged abuses given by Geoffrey Dickens to former Home Secretary Leon Brittan in 1983, is conducting a public inquiry into historic abuse.

A Met police spokesman said: ‘We can confirm that allegations of historical sexual abuse against two former officers, alleged to have taken place in the 1980s, were passed to the IPCC for its consideration. It referred the matter back to the Met for local department of professional standards investigation.’

A spokesman for the IPCC said a senior investigator assessed the available information and decided the force should continue with its own investigation. The spokesman said: ‘We asked the force to refer the matter again if any evidence was found that may merit this decision being reconsidered.’

… and new probe launched into child sex abuse at Jonathan King disco

A police probe into a celebrity paedophile ring, which led to the convictions of pop mogul Jonathan King and DJ Chris Denning, has been sensationally reopened, the Mail on Sunday can reveal.

An independent report into Surrey Police’s high-profile investigation into the Walton Hop disco has found the original operation did not fully explore all lines of inquiry.


Surrey’s Operation Arundel, which ran for six years from 2000, centred on the disco in Walton-on-Thames, Surrey where King and Denning picked up victims in the 1970s and 80s.

Visitors to the disco are understood to have included a string of celebrities – including pop stars and famous TV personalities.

King, 70, ex-Radio 1 star Chris Denning, 73, and Robert Randall, a DJ at the disco, were prosecuted. Several well-known figures were arrested but not charged, including TV presenter Matthew Kelly and former Bay City Rollers manager Tam Paton.

Now it can be revealed that an independent report by Merseyside Police to ‘establish whether there were any further investigative lines of enquiry’ identified a number of actions, which Surrey Police said they ‘are now progressing’. The new operation, codenamed Ravine, will draw on information from the Metropolitan Police’s Operation Yewtree.

Last month, Yewtree detectives secured the conviction of Denning on 40 charges against boys aged from nine to 16 in the 1970s and 1980s. He is due to be sentenced next week.

No arrests have been made and police have asked anyone with information to come forward.

From Thorpe to paedophile MPs to torture, the ruling elite ALWAYS try to cover up their sins. That is why bids to constrain the media are so insidious

Published December 13, 2014 by misty534
  • Tom Mangold was first journalist to learn about Jeremy Thorpe conspiracy
  • He believes Special Branch and Scotland Yard were well aware of the truth
  • But they instinctively knew how to cover up a scandal to protect the MP
  • Mr Mangold received calls from other Liberals warning him off the story 
  • He believes the ‘right’ judge was hand-picked for the sensitive Thorpe trial 
  • Mr Mangold was ordered to destroy his evidence or told he would be fired 
  • Whitehall did not want another homosexual scandal incase it damaged Britain’s relationship with the U.S

At the height of the controversy about Jeremy Thorpe and the conspiracy of silence that grew around his apparent involvement in a plot to kill his former lover Norman Scott, we began making a documentary film about the story for BBC television.

Little did I realise I, too, would soon become an unwitting figure in that conspiracy.

Our team had pitched the idea, in 1979, to an editor who later became the Corporation’s powerful Head of News. He agreed to our investigation but demanded to know absolutely everything we were doing. ‘Keep me in the picture, boys,’ he said, amicably, time and again.

Many years later, at his funeral, it emerged that this man had been a colonel in British Military Intelligence in the Territorial Army.

With the benefit of hindsight, it now becomes more than a mere suspicion that we investigative journalists at the cutting edge of the story were being gently manipulated by others in powerful positions — people who were anxious to know how much information there was about the developing scandal, how accessible it was, and what could be done to shut it down.

After all, how much easier to use unwitting real reporters than get spooks to pose as reporters to dig for information.

At the time, former Liberal party leader Jeremy Thorpe was a well-connected and charismatic politician from a social class that dominated the Whitehall establishment and Civil Service in those days back in the Seventies.

I believe I was the first journalist to learn Thorpe may have been involved in a conspiracy to silence one of his former gay lovers, Norman Scott, a stable boy from the West Country, who was needy, self-centred and dangerous.

When Thorpe ended their affair — which had begun many years before he became the Liberal leader — Scott began to blab about it to friends, other politicians and eventually the police. Initially, the allegations resulted merely in an internal Liberal party inquiry, which exonerated Thorpe — although he had been forced to deny that he’d had a sexual relationship with Scott.

I am sure the Special Branch, Devon police and Scotland Yard were well aware of the truth. However, as part of a conspiracy to protect the MP, they instinctively knew — without having to meet in secret in a smoke-filled room in the Reform club — how to cover up such a scandal.

F or the very last thing that Britain’s governing elite needed at the time was a high-profile homosexual scandal. Indeed, if it had been made public, it could have done irreparable damage to Britain’s relationship with our closest ally, America, whose government had just begun sharing nuclear secrets with us.

There had already been the huge embarrassment of Kim Philby, Guy Burgess, Donald Maclean (British members of a KGB spy ring that had penetrated MI6 and then passed vital information to the Soviets).

the Special Branch, Devon police and Scotland Yard were well aware of the truth behind the conspiracy theory that Jeremy Thorpe (pictured) was trying to silence one of his former gay lovers

the Special Branch, Devon police and Scotland Yard were well aware of the truth behind the conspiracy theory that Jeremy Thorpe (pictured) was trying to silence one of his former gay lovers

There had also been the case of John Vassall, a gay Admiralty official who had been compromised by Soviet KGB officers, and the scandal of War Minister John Profumo, who had bedded Christine Keeler while she was also sleeping with a Soviet naval attache. And those are only the cases the public knew about!

The Americans were already nervous that Britain had been so easily infiltrated by the KGB, and would have become still more alarmed to learn that yet another high-profile political figure had a secret life that left him vulnerable to potential blackmail and manipulation.

But if political land mines lay all over Whitehall for my investigative TV team to avoid, there were even more lying hidden in the corridors of the BBC — the beyond reproach ‘queen of broadcasting’ and ‘fountain of truth’. So what if the Daily Express or Daily Mirror had reported the Thorpe scandal, who would care? Such newspapers were considered to be ‘gutter press’ and with no influence.

But if the BBC, with its power and influence, ran a one-hour documentary … to the Establishment, that would have been unacceptable.

I had been on the story for less than two weeks when I got a phone call from Jo Grimond, one of Thorpe’s predecessors as Liberal leader. ‘What you are doing is outrageous!’ he barked down the line. ‘Unless you stop at once, I’ll have you dismissed within hours by the [BBC’s] Director General, who I happen to know extremely well.’

We then received a torrent of threatening calls from another Liberal MP called Cyril Smith — who, ironically, since his death has been exposed as a predatory paedophile and a serial abuser of young boys, whose activities were covered up years later by the Establishment.

Nevertheless, we remained ‘protected’ from their wrath by an invisible shield within the BBC. I now think I know why.

When Thorpe’s ex-lover Norman Scott (pictured) made a formal criminal complaint about the Liberal MP’s relationship with him, the leading officer didn’t bother to open an investigation

When Thorpe’s ex-lover Norman Scott (pictured) made a formal criminal complaint about the Liberal MP’s relationship with him, the leading officer didn’t bother to open an investigation

I can’t prove it, but after a lifetime with the BBC — an organisation for which I have undying affection and whose initials remain stamped through my backbone like Blackpool rock — and after 40 years of making numerous films about intelligence and writing a book about the CIA, I do now, sadly, believe I and my team were being carefully manipulated by the state broadcaster.

Early on in our investigation, I flew to California, where I interviewed Thorpe’s closest chum, the Liberal MP Peter Bessell. I cassette-taped three hours of his full, astonishing story.

When I returned to the BBC HQ in London’s Lime Grove, a kindly executive told me I looked jet-lagged and took the cassette from me — ‘for safe keeping,’ he said. ‘I’ll keep it in the office safe.’

Funnily enough, however many times I requested or even demanded the tape’s return, I could never lay hands on it. We ploughed on regardless.

Slowly, we discovered the extent of the Whitehall conspiracy to cover up Thorpe’s behaviour. We learnt that the FBI had warned their Special Branch counterparts in Britain about Thorpe’s predilection for rent boys in Times Square during visits to New York.

As a result, Devon police were asked to make discreet inquiries — and the then Chief Constable, Sir Ranulph Bacon, made damn sure the results remained secret.

As the police/Special Branch file on Thorpe grew, it ‘disappeared’ from the registry in Scotland Yard and was placed where no one could see it — in the safe of the Assistant Commissioner (Crime).

I am indebted to the veteran intelligence historian Nigel West for reminding me there were ‘plenty of very sensitive’ Metropolitan Police Special Branch files that were kept by the Assistant Commissioner. He says: ‘It is no different at MI5, where some files would be retained by the appropriate section or in the MI5 director-general’s personal safe.’ West points out that MI5 was under no obligation to share intelligence about political figures with government ministers. Nor would any information obtained centrally by the police have been passed back to the local forces.

J oin all the dots and it is not surprising that when Thorpe’s ex-lover, Norman Scott, went to Chelsea police station to make a formal criminal complaint about the Liberal MP’s relationship with him, the leading officer, Bob Huntley (later to become head of the Yard’s bomb squad), didn’t bother to open an investigation.

‘Who would believe the word of a queer stable boy against that of Jeremy Thorpe?’ Huntley said when I interviewed him years later. There has never been any explanation of why that criminal complaint was not taken any further in terms of a prosecution. But you can bet a crate of Bollinger champagne that someone made sure Scott’s allegations went straight up to Special Branch.

Even so, Scott’s allegations were causing Thorpe sufficient damage that it was alleged the MP told a colleague: ‘We have to get rid of him.’ In due course, as the Old Bailey trial of Thorpe heard, a plot was devised to hire a hitman using Liberal party funds to solve the problem of Norman Scott.

The contract to murder him, for a fee worth £140,000 in today’s money, went first to a small-time South London villain called Dennis Meighan. However, although he dropped out at the last minute, he remained a key witness and would have been a crucial prosecution witness at any trial of Thorpe.

Quite correctly, Scotland Yard detectives got a damning — and true — statement from him.

But a few weeks later, Meighan took a phone call from an unidentified man who told him to go to Brentford Police Station where he was told he was ‘expected’. When referring to the local police, the caller used the expression ‘wooden-tops’, which was then commonly used by Special Branch in a sneering reference to their ‘lesser mortals’ in uniform.

Meighan went to Brentford, was ushered into an interrogation room, and handed an envelope which contained a new and totally different version of his statement about the plot to kill Norman Scott.

It exonerated Thorpe and the Liberals from any plot and also exonerated Meighan for conspiracy to kill, and possession of an illegally loaded Mauser. Meighan, who himself faced criminal charges, couldn’t believe his luck. He happily signed the false statement — and was never called as a witness to the subsequent Thorpe trial.

So what was behind one of the great cover ups of the 20th century? Jeremy Thorpe’s innocence was regarded as crucial to the national interest. Whitehall did not want another homosexual scandal, conscious of the damage it could pose to Britain’s relationship with the U.S., and also the deleterious effect it would have on the balance between rulers and ruled. But in a democracy, there is only so much a conspiracy of this enormity to protect such a high-profile politician from prosecution could achieve.

Eventually, such was the pressure from the Press, that the Director of Public Prosecutions was finally obliged to bring charges against Thorpe for his alleged role in the plot to murder his former male lover.

I am the opposite of a conspiracy theorist, but at this point I do get conspiratorial.

Sir Ian Trethowan was in charge of the BBC at the time and have a very close relationship with the Security Services

Sir Ian Trethowan was in charge of the BBC at the time and have a very close relationship with the Security Services

Particularly, there was the profoundly questionable choice of judge to hear the case at the Old Bailey. Not all judges are allocated trials on a simple roster basis. Sometimes, the Lord Chancellor (as the post was back then), who was head of the judicial system and a very powerful political appointment, had an oh-so discreet hand in these matters.

Sometimes, the ‘right’ judge was hand-picked for a sensitive trial … the kind of judge who shared without question the Establishment consensus. The result? The judge in question Sir Joseph Cantley’s summing up in the Thorpe case was a judicial farce. He virtually ordered the jury to find Thorpe not guilty.

A similar thing had happened a decade earlier in the trial which I covered of the society osteopath Stephen Ward, who had introduced Christine Keeler to Tory war minister John Profumo and was subsequently prosecuted for living on the earnings of prostitutes. In this case, though, the jury was encouraged to convict.

By now we had finished our Thorpe documentary — having uncovered overwhelming evidence of just how the Establishment had closed ranks. It was a remarkable snapshot of the period. But Thorpe was found innocent. Not surprisingly, on the night of the end of his trial, the BBC management, rightly, felt that it could not transmit our film, which was based on an assumption of Thorpe’s guilt.

But what happened next was odd.

The man who had commissioned the film sent a despatch rider to my home with a letter ordering me to destroy every existing tape of the film. If I didn’t do so, I would be fired.

And who was the BBC’s director general and chief executive in charge of news and current affairs at the time? None other than Sir Ian Trethowan, who had a very close, and editorially unhealthy, relationship with the Security Services. Three years later, he directly interfered with an investigative — and not always friendly — documentary I was making about MI5, ordering me to give my script to MI5 so they could vet it before transmission.

‘And you are to tell no one of this conversation,’ he instructed as I stood to attention in his office. The MI5 documentary was broadcast, but only after more Trethowan interference.

As BBC director-general at the time, it was in Sir Ian’s power to stop us making our Jeremy Thorpe film. But oddly he never used that power.

Is this because the information we turned up was helping to fatten the files of MI5? Were we unwittingly keeping MI5 in the picture? Ever since, I’ve never stopped wondering. But, deep down, I think I know the truth.

Compared with the Seventies, the BBC has matured and Britain today is a freer, more open, less class-ridden and secret society. Yet there are still justified concerns that when it can get away with it, the Establishment will cover up for its own.

Take the slow boiling scandal involving paedophilia rings and Westminster notables, and, this week, the row over the cover up of the CIA’s torture interrogation techniques — some of which were learned from Britain’s brutal behaviour in Northern Ireland — which were well known to Westminster governments of both stripes at the time.

Which is why I would argue that investigative journalism, for all its occasional dreadful mistakes, bad apples and cock-ups, is still a crucial part of the DNA of our democratic genes in Britain.

When establishments seek to control us, we should recognise that this is the thin end of the wedge. It is important to note that the Leveson Inquiry — set up to look into the ridiculous follies of phone-hackers (they even bugged my phone to find out what Panorama was up to, for Heaven’s sake!) — have led to serious attempts to constrain the Press and introduce an element of political involvement in our editorial freedom.

But this will merely take us back to where we were 40 years ago. I strongly believe there is one thing that we must remember above all. When any citizen wants help to expose corruption, hypocrisy, wrongdoing or corrosive inefficiency, there must be a newspaper, magazine or broadcast office which he or she can contact for help.

The British Establishment’s protective walls of secrecy of the Seventies will never be completely breached, but we can try to remain truly independent, vigilant and deserving tribunes of the people. That is our democratic duty and happens to be what we do best.

  • Tom Mangold was senior correspondent of BBC TV Panorama from 1976-2003.

Downing Street accused of ‘cover up’ over Patrick Rock child porn arrest

Published December 11, 2014 by misty534


Arrested: Downing Street said Patrick Rock had been involved in

David Cameron’s campaign to toughen up online porn filters

Downing Street faced a storm today over a “cover-up” of the arrest and resignation of one of the Prime Minister’s oldest friends over allegations of child abuse images.

Patrick Rock quit his senior post in Downing Street on February 12, hours before he was arrested and questioned by police.

Mr Rock, 62, was involved in drawing up government policy on internet filters to stop children accessing pornography. His arrest came after No 10 was “made aware of a potential offence relating to child abuse imagery”.

However, even though police then searched No 10 IT equipment, the matter was kept secret until a newspaper investigation forced David Cameron’s office to issue a full statement last night.

Mr Rock is a long-standing friend of the Prime Minister and had been tipped for a peerage. They worked together as advisers to former Home Secretary Michael Howard in the Nineties and Mr Cameron brought Mr Rock into his Downing Street team as deputy head of policy in 2011, with a brief specialising in home affairs issues.

“Obviously when I heard these allegations I was profoundly shocked and remain profoundly shocked today,” Mr Cameron said during a visit to the Midlands.

“I have to be careful about what I say about this issue because a criminal investigation is under way.”

He did play an important role at Downing Street and he’s resigned that position.”

Defending the delay in releasing the information, he said: “I don’t think it would be right to pre-emptively brief out a criminal investigation and that’s why we did not do that.

“But as soon as questions were asked, as questions would inevitably be asked, we have given very full and straightforward answers, which is absolutely the right way to answer this.

“I’ve been clear right along and I was told about this issue pretty much as soon as it was discovered and I have been very clear we must handle this in an absolutely correct way and I am satisfied that is what No 10 Downing Street has done.”

Labour said it was extraordinary that such a senior figure could resign in such circumstances without any public announcement.

Labour MP John Mann said: “Yet again we are seeing a lack of transparency from No 10. It is highly inappropriate that a major figure could cease to be responsible for these policy areas without MPs and the public being made aware. We need to be sure there are no policy implications.” Downing Street was first made aware of a potential offence on February 12. Mr Rock resigned later that day and was arrested at his home in west London in the early hours of February 13.

A No 10 spokesman said: “We take any accusation of alleged inappropriate behaviour very seriously. It is inappropriate for us to go into the detail of any grievance or disciplinary cases at No 10.

“Individuals have a right to privacy and confidentiality and to maintain an environment that ensures individuals are not deterred from making complaints. However, we can confirm that an allegation was raised. This was dealt with seriously, immediately and in accordance with Cabinet Office HR policy.”

Mr Rock started working for the Conservatives under Baroness Thatcher and was encouraged by her to stand as an MP, though he never won a seat.

One Tory said he had “rescued” Mr Cameron by giving him a job after he lost his post at the Treasury when Kenneth Clarke took over as Chancellor.

Mr Rock was credited with coining the phrase “cows moo, dogs bark, Labour puts up taxes”.

A National Crime Agency spokeswoman declined to comment, stating it did not name suspects on arrest.

Westminster abuse inquiries: At least 10 famous politicians ‘named again and again’ by child abuse helpline callers

Published December 9, 2014 by misty534

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Child protection campaigners say at least 10 “famous” current and former politicians will now face being investigated over allegations of historic abuse.

The figures, including a number who are now dead, have been identified “again and again” by callers to child abuse helplines, it has been claimed.

It comes as Theresa May announced an independent inquiry will look into how the state and other institutions have handled accusations of abuse over the past four decades.

Dr Jon Bird, of the National Association for People Abused In Childhood (Napac), said it looked like the 10 politicians will “at last” face up to the accusations – and warned that he expected more allegations to follow.

He told Sky News: “The names of people in very high places – politicians, senior police officers and even some judges – have been going around as alleged abusers for a very long time.

“Since the Jimmy Savile revelations, there’s been a sea change in the way police and the CPS respond to these sort of complaints and now, at last, it looks like these people are going to be investigated.”

Peter McKelvie, a former child protection manager, said he believed that the number of “prominent figures” linked to an alleged Westminster paedophile network could be “upwards of 20”.

He told the BBC’s Newsnight programme that there was also “a much larger number of people who have known about it and done nothing about it, who were in a position to do something about it”.

Today Mark Sedwill, the most senior civil servant at the Home Office, will be questioned by MPs over the department’s handling of child abuse allegations made over a 20 year period.

The permanent secretary will appear before the home affairs select committee amid questions over the quality of a review he commissioned last year.


Lord Brittan has admitted receiving a file with allegations of an abuse network, but denied any suggestion of a cover-upLord Brittan, the home secretary in Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government from 1983 to 1985, has faced questions over his handling of a dossier, compiled at the time by the late Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens, which contained allegations of a predatory paedophile network operating in and around Westminster.

NSPCC chief executive Peter Wanless has been asked by Ms May to look into the adequacy of the probe into the way claims were dealt with and the response of police and prosecutors to information which was passed on to them.

And she revealed that a wider inquiry, carried out by an independent panel of experts and given access to all the Government papers it requests, could be converted into a full public inquiry if its chairman – who is yet to be appointed – feels it is necessary.

It is unlikely to report before next year’s general election, but Ms May promised that an update on its progress will be given to Parliament before May 2015.

Prime Minister David Cameron said his Government would leave “no stone unturned” in seeking the truth about widespread allegations of a paedophile ring with links to the establishment in the 1980s.

EXCLUSIVE: Sordid tales were kept out of Jeremy Thorpe’s murder trial

Published December 8, 2014 by misty534

EXPLOSIVE sex claims about former Liberal Party leader Jeremy Thorpe were kept out of his trial for the attempted murder of ex-male model Norman Scott.


Graphic testimony from gay men he had met in bars and on the street was never heard after Thorpe agreed to admit in court to “homosexual tendencies”.

The deal was made between the prosecution and Thorpe’s celebrated defence barrister George Carman QC and it prevented shocking and lurid details emerging during the 1979 trial, said the lawyer’s son Dominic.

He also told the Sunday Express that Thorpe, who died last week aged 85, had helped to cover up fellow Liberal MP Cyril Smith’s sexual abuse of children.

Thorpe was worried those allegations would further harm his own reputation, already in tatters over the alleged murder bid.

Mr Carman, who still has his late father’s entire trial brief, said: “What is in the prosecution evidence is a substantial amount of information from a lot of different men, which confirms that Thorpe was, to quote the phrase of the 1970s, a ‘promiscuous homosexual’.

“The relevance of that was to prove he was that way inclined because he had always denied it.

“My father struck a deal with the prosecuting barrister that none of the evidence would appear in court if Jeremy Thorpe admitted to having ‘homosexual tendencies’.

“He admitted that and there fore this whole pile of evidence was never submitted as it was deemed irrelevant.

“Some of it would even now be viewed as being pretty strong stuff.”

The trial still gripped the nation with claims of secret affairs, murder and revenge.

Thorpe, a twice-married father of one, led the Liberal Party between 1967 and 1976.

He was accused of murdering Norman Scott for threatening to uncover their alleged relationship.

He was said to have hired a hitman to kill Scott but the contract killer instead shot dead Scott’s dog, Rinka.

Days before the Old Bailey trial in May 1979, allegations that Smith was a predatory paedophile who preyed on young boys surfaced in the Rochdale Alternative Press and later Private Eye.

Mr Carman said not only had Thorpe been well aware of the allegations, he actively took steps to make sure they were stifled.

He instructed the establishment’s chief fixer, lawyer Lord Goodman, to ensure the claims were never followed up by the national press to avoid being tarred with the same brush so close to standing trial.

Mr Carman said: “Thorpe was concerned and a discussion about Cyril Smith was had.

“Although it wasn’t immediately relevant to the case if it had got wider currency and been published by the national press of the time, that would have potentially created much further prejudice against Thorpe because it would imply they’re all at it.

“Smith and Thorpe had nothing in common whatsoever and absolutely loathed each other but, of course, as is often the case in politics, they had to work together.

“Lord Goodman, who was a general fixer and worked on behalf of both Harold Wilson when he was prime minister in the early 1970s and indeed Thorpe, was instructed to stop any further reporting of this by the national press and it worked.”

Thorpe emerged from the 31-day trial victorious but his political career never recovered and he lost his North Devon seat in the 1979 general election.

He died on Thursday after a long battle with Parkinson’s disease.

James Fielding

SNP activist ‘killed over child sex files’

Published November 30, 2014 by misty534

A FIREBRAND SNP activist who died in mysterious circumstances was to expose a paedophile ring that would have brought down the Government, it was claimed last night

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Willie McRae was said to have discovered child abuse by cabinet ministers and other leading members of the establishment on both sides of the Border. Shortly before his death he was seen photocopying a dossier of names in case something should happen to him.

The copies are understood to have been posted to a number of close associates. Despite a lengthy inquiry, the Sunday Express has been unable to establish whether any copies of the alleged dossier are still in existence.

McRae never went public with his allegations as he was found shot dead in his car off a remote road in Wester Ross on April 6, 1985.

Some maintain he was murdered by the security services over his opposition to plans to dump nuclear waste in Scotland, while others have said he was silenced by drug smugglers.
Significantly, however, his death also fits the timeline of recent claims about Westminster perverts and a massive police cover-up of child abuse and murder in the early 1980s.

His death also came just months after the late Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens handed his own infamous paedophile dossier to then Home Secretary Leon Brittan – only for it to be lost or destroyed by Home Office officials.

Fionna Borders, whose late husband James was a barrister involved in a number of child abuse cases, said she was convinced that McRae was on the verge of “shaking the establishment” to the core when he lost his life.

Mrs Borders said she learned of McRae’s dossier from former police officer turned private investigator Iain Fraser, who died only a few weeks ago.

A close friend of McRae’s who had an office in the same building on Bath Street in Glasgow, Mr Fraser was hired to spy on his “bosom buddy” in 1985 by an anonymous client.

Mrs Borders said: “Willie McRae got that information, and being the kind of man he was, he could not just sit on it. Unfortunately he spoke of the list to somebody he should not have which was his downfall.

“It is easy to sound like a conspiracy theorist – but at times conspiracy theories are proven true.

“Why not stage a car accident, his Volvo wrapped around a tree? God knows that has been done in the past. No. It was made to look like suicide – except, of course, it wasn’t.
“It was a message to leave matters well alone, and those in the know took it just as it was intended.”

Another source close to Mr Fraser said he had learned of the existence of the alleged dossier from a member of staff in Mr McRae’s office.

Some years ago, McRae was linked with another document describing a network of high-ranking Scottish paedophiles – dubbed The Untouchables – based on the deathbed confession of child abuser James Gallogley. But this dossier was dismissed as a hoax.

Earlier this month, it emerged that Police Scotland has set up a team of detectives to investigate claims of child abuse involving the late Solicitor General Sir Nicholas Fairbairn MP and other high-ranking Scottish legal figures from the same era.

Mrs Borders said she believed McRae’s dossier named powerful men from both sides of the Border, and he was “well on his way” to going public.

Before leaving Glasgow for his cottage near Kintail, Wester Ross, the 62-year-old showed a briefcase of documents to a friend, PC Donald Morrison, and told him: “I’ve got them this time.”

However, despite phoning ahead to ask for the fire to be lit, he never made it to his destination.

Instead, his body was found the next morning off the A87, with a bullet wound to his head. A gun was near the car leading to the suicide verdict.

His briefcase or the documents it contained have never been found.

Mrs Borders added: “McRae had worked so hard to expose this disgusting cancer. He knew it was dangerous which is why he made the back-up copies – not that anything has ever come of them.

“He had been due to leave Glasgow much earlier than he did, but his tyres had been slashed. That’s not something that’s widely known.

“In those days nobody wanted to be on the Highland roads at night. There was nothing open after 9pm. Yet he only headed up the road at 6.30pm knowing it would take him until late to reach his destination. The only reason is somebody made sure he would be alone on the roads.”

Calls for a public inquiry have been unsuccessful despite the fact the gun had been fired twice and was found some distance from the car.

Furthermore, although McRae was not wearing gloves, there were no fingerprints on the firearm.

Just a few months after McRae’s death, Geoffrey Dickens spoke in the House of Commons about the dangers he had faced due to his attempt to expose powerful paedophiles.
He said: “Honourable Members will understand that where big money is involved and as important names came into my possession so the threats began. First, I received threatening phone calls followed by two burglaries at my London home.

“Then, more seriously, my name appeared on a multi-killer’s hit list.”

Dickens died in 1995 and his investigation was forgotten until the Jimmy Savile scandal led to a renewed interest in historic abuse.

Meanwhile, the retired policeman who was the last person to see Willie McRae alive last night said he too believed the solicitor had uncovered evidence about a powerful paedophile ring.

click for video   http://bcove.me/gk0y2ay9   the mysterious death of Willy McRae

Donald Morrison spoke to McRae in Glasgow shortly before he set off for the Highlands on the day of his death and noticed a briefcase full of documents in his maroon Volvo.

The briefcase has never been found and Mr Morrison said that for many years he believed the would-be politician had unearthed evidence about illegal nuclear waste at Dounreay.

However, he said he is now adamant the real reason for his death was that he was planning to expose a child abuse network operating at the highest level.

He said: “At the end of the day he was not done in for trying to stop the dumping of nuclear waste.

“I think he was in possession of secret information about Cyril Smith and others.

“Special Branch had removed information from police files down south to do with Smith and they just disappeared. There is a similarity here to Willie McRae’s death.

“The two people who were following him gave a statement to what was then the Northern Constabulary and those statements have gone missing too.”

Mr Morrison said he believed McRae may have first heard of the ring from his friend Lord Mountbatten, the Queen’s cousin who was killed by the IRA in 1979, or from somebody linked to him.

McRae had been Lord Mountbatten’s aide-de-camp in India, when he was a young lieutenant-commander in the Royal Indian Navy.

However he first came upon the information, Mr Morrison said McRae would have carried out his own detailed investigation before preparing to go public with it. He added that he learned through colleagues that Strathclyde Police had been made aware of documents “which could be dangerous to the Government” in McRae’s office.

In light of the recent exposes about MPs and other high profile individuals, Mr Morrison sensed the information must have concerned child sexual abuse.

He added: “It will be 30 years since Willie McRae’s death in April and there has never been an inquiry into his death.

“Willie’s brother, who was a doctor in Edinburgh, did not wish to have an inquiry at the time because their mother was still alive and they did not want the fact Willie was gay to come out.

“I now strongly believe he had in his possession a list of names that could have brought down individuals if not establishments”

Official government documents relating to McRae’s death would normally be released by the National Archives under the ‘30-year rule’ in January.

Paula Murray